Exploring Homeless and Fascism
Humans are reduced to pawns and scapegoats in the interest of advancing bigotry.
Homelessness as An Early Warning
When I was covering the sweep of the Camp on Wheels in Oceanside, I noticed an older woman who strafed the sidewalk opposite the unhoused residents. She paced with a sign that thanked law enforcement for their role in the sweep while listing off crimes committed by unhoused people across the country. The utter lack of a sensible window of time or a defined geographic area belied the hateful intent. To one such as this, crimes anywhere justify policing everywhere. I began to research, and I found harmful characterizations of people dealing with substance addictions on social media in my area. I found one man posting videos of the unhoused relieving themselves in public--the implicit course of action being criminalization rather than addressing what compels a person to this behavior. Furthermore, posting the genitalia of the unhoused is tantamount to revenge porn--especially when the subject is sleeping. I began to look outward. The current mayor of Anchorage won his election on the back of anti-homeless sentiment. Homelessness mitigation has become a standard question in the race for the Governor's seat in California. Past years have seen demagogues characterize neoliberal and neoconservative failures as the products of democrat leadership. That is, such voices argue that where the problem of homelessness is not due to personal fault, it's a systemic failure of too little policing.
Homelessness is one of industrial society's most persistent and artificial problems. Its ubiquity suggests a fundamental relationship with how we have organized our societies from the sixteenth century through today. That homelessness exists at the intersection of several longstanding problems in the United States indicates that ills endemic to our society cause, influence, and complicate homelessness. A constellation of issues overlap to both cause and worsen homelessness: any given unhoused person may find themselves suffering from the most extreme manifestations of racism, patriarchy, police brutality, wealth inequality, for profit healthcare, and multitudinous varieties of American rot. The homeless experience in the United States is appalling given the nation's vast wealth and corrupted adoption of hyper-individualistic ethics. The failure of the state in this respect motivates a grotesque and cruel push to criminalize the existence of unhoused people by making self preservation illegal. Where cities and states have been unwilling to solve the problem of homelessness, they have pursued carceral solutions and the shell game of routine evictions from public spaces. The solutions advocated for by the a bipartisan coalition and disparate fascist movements have historical precedent. This ongoing exercise in sadistic inadequacy has spiraled into a horror show. To understand fascist and pre-fascist responses to homelessness, we should look to the past and to contemporary examples—it is my fear that attitudes and policy about the unhoused may serve as an early warning sign of fascist movements.
Germany and Italy, Before and During World War II
From 1920 to the early forties in Germany, people experiencing homelessness and other economic hardships were the unfortunate subjects of an evolving strain of thought. An economic downturn at the start of the twenties resulted in increasing unemployment and a surge in the number of people subjected to chronic homelessness. Further downturn at the end of that decade and the later wartime boom—with another surge in unemployment followed by near full employment—created the conditions for heightened hostility towards an identifiable group. Those who suffered homelessness were classified as vagrants, tramps, and beggars. Legislators placed these classifications in laws and civil ordinances, along with scientific bigotry that characterized societal failures as the consequence of inferior genetics. Those who were sufficiently unable to find work in a post-war recession found themselves classified as "work-shy." Any resistance to the social and political goals of the Nazi party were demonized as harmful to the nation through genetic and cultural or spiritual degradation. When the production efforts of World War II were in full swing, the Nazis characterized unemployed and the homeless as enemies of the party's efforts—and thus enemies of the nation.
Through these economic downturns and wartime production boom, society clamored for greater regulation of the homeless population. The population was sporadically defined as the unsheltered, at times "disruptive" beggars, and at times all itinerant people. Society here means the layperson, local and national government officials, and academic figures in many fields—primarily the medical profession. What began as a stated desire to track the services and lodging accessed by the homeless population devolved into calls for lifetime imprisonment and sterilization. That first impulse was not benevolent in any sense, and it grew out of an attempt to blame the most vulnerable in society for problems at a societal scale.
By 1933, urban and communal authorities were unable to pay benefits to their residents, and so sought to exclude people from collecting payments. The unhoused were forced to stay mobile, moving from town to town in search of work and accommodations. Insufficient aid allowed political factions to jockey for the support of this population. Nazis courted the homeless population with propaganda only to abandon them upon the acquisition of power. By august of that year, the Nazis issued propaganda guidelines to the press regarding the homeless population and the Reich Ministry of Propaganda's desire for a nationwide swoop. Where Nazis had released the novel The Road to Hitler in the beginning of the year to gain the support of the unhoused, by august the Nazis were instructing the press on the "psychological importance of a planned campaign against the nuisance of begging . . . Beggars often force their poverty upon people in the most repulsive way for their own selfish purposes. If this sight disappears from the view of foreigners as well, the result will be a definite feeling of relief and liberation." The contempt in this statement is obvious, and the culture that fostered it is exemplified by the case of Hamburg.
In 1933, as the depression worsened, some 1,400 unhoused were arrested in the aforementioned national sweep. Of those, 108 were placed into a home for the destitute in Farmsen. The rest were freed or placed into recently-closed penal institutions. In 1934, a measure was added to the criminal code that allowed for indefinite internment for those sentenced to workhouses for a second time. The unhoused of Hamburg were required to collect their benefits at a centralized office, rather than at local welfare offices. In a culture of scant and worsening benefits, the homeless population was subjected to further deprivation. In numerous places, officials evinced a desire to make life difficult for the unhoused--and any who would claim benefits--to save money and cull the population of undesirables. In 1935, the Homelessness and Vagrancy Department was given purview over the Romani and Sinti people, and in 1937 it was given control over 'anti-social' elements. Both categories contained many unhoused people who faced inordinate bigotry. Other departments were set up to reduce the number of single males claiming support and to deal with Jewish recipients of welfare in a move that presaged later genocidal efforts. In 1936 and 1937, unmarried male claimants were ordered to appear at the Central Railway Station, at which point they were delivered to a labor camp. Any who did not volunteer for this were ineligible for benefits. On the question of excluding people from benefits, Nazis adopted the Vagrants' Registration Book in 1933 to track the movements and benefits claims of the unhoused. The aim of removing the "work-shy, chronically ill, and infirm" was served by the maintenance of local registries and the threat of arrest for who those who did not opt to carry the registration book. In 1937, Registration Books were confiscated from those deemed "unfit for the nomadic life", and such persons were confined to an institution. Further restrictions on the issuance of the book were implemented in 1938, and by the outbreak of war in 1939 vagrancy had been outlawed wholesale. It must be stated that Georg Steigertahl and the Social Welfare Authority had created the mechanism for mass internment before the Nazis seized power, motivated by a eugenicist desire to remove 'anti-social elements' from the population. By 1936, 922 people were incarcerated throughout Hamburg—mostly in Farmsen—commensurate with paragraph 13 of the Reich Code of Practice for the Reich Decree on Welfare Obligations: "the work-shy and those who behave in a non-economic way could be denied all forms of benefit except indoor relief." Indoor relief here refers to compulsory internment. It suffices to say that a confluence of eugenicist efforts and anti-homeless sentiment made convenient by economic struggle lead to the imprisonment and death of many. "Vagrancy" and "work-shy" were taken to be the consequences of genetics, after all.
Italy must be touched on briefly. Musolinni's approach, while different from the Nazi drive toward extermination, was still driven by the fascist idea of competition and social darwinism. Where the Nazis cast the unhoused and the unemployed as threats from within, Musolinni's support for homeless-inclusive public housing was driven by a desire to transform Italy into an imperial power by way of increasing its population. In other words, the intent of public housing in fascist Italy stemmed from a desire to assure the victory of fascism in Italy, and the victory of Italy on the global stage. To that end, the borgata Primavalle in Rome provided lodging for the unhoused. Over time, the six-hundred beds grew into a working-class town. It's worth noting that the new residents of Primavalle and other borgate were often displaced by pre-fascist and fascist demolitions and public works projects in city centers. Public works and social programs in preparation for a genocidal project are not abnormal in the history of fascism. Given the race laws that restricted the rights of Jews and Africans, we ignore the genocidal impulses of fascism at our own peril.
Contemporary Europe
In 2003, fascists occupied an office building in southern Rome with the intent of starting a pirate radio station. The nascent CasaPound would go on to establish themselves in over a hundred properties throughout the next decade and a half. These properties hosted a wide variety of vendors and services, but CasaPound's foray into housing and homelessness relief are uniquely significant. The group sought to outmaneuver other political groups on ostensibly progressive issues, such as nationalizing the banking, transport, and communication industries. Part of this effort contributed to the rehabilitation and sanitation of Mussolini's legacy through truncated references to his policy recommendations. Consequently, publicly subsidized housing was dredged up from his platform, while 1938's racial laws were condemned. CasaPound's anti-immigration stance was consequently defended as primarily economic policy. Outflanking the government on housing, CasaPound demonstrated publicly and dramatically against rent hikes and Rome's housing crisis. Presumably in service of their political goals, CasaPound sheltered numerous homeless families--as well as its own members when they fell on hard times. CasaPound is distinguished by the refinement of its propagandist efforts, its sense of style, and the appearance of sincerity. Their incoherent adoption of contradictory thinkers is smoke-screened by their command of the aesthetics--so too, is their embrace of genocidal ideas. That is to say, where other groups have explicitly branded their homeless outreach efforts as white nationalist rehabilitation, CasaPound has managed to compartmentalize their charity—despite bloody brawls involving camerati and killings carried out by sympathizers.
In Greece, members of Golden Dawn capitalized on insufficient government aid by holding blood and food drives to the benefit of the unhoused population. This group, responsible for racist violence, was able to use its aid efforts to rehabilitate its image. The success of such rehabilitation was evident in electoral results. Golden Dawn held eighteen seats in the 2015 Hellenic Parliament, only to see its support deteriorate over time up to the 2020 conviction of "57 defendants convicted of murder, assault, weapons possession and either running or participating in the criminal outfit." It is not yet possible to sort out the contributions that Golden Dawn's charity efforts made to the group's pursuit of power--that a breakdown of how much power and influence charity conferred upon the group is likely impossible. It is also worth questioning the harm done to their pursuit of power by their cynical adoption of charity and the needless exclusionary requirement of Greek identification. Racialized violence is key to Golden Dawn's downfall, but fascist regimes in history have relied on roving mobs of violent racists during their ascent to power. The receptiveness of the general population to fascist ideology or the legislative shrewdness of the fascist minority are hard to measure. But, the difference in outcomes between CasaPound and Golden Dawn warrant investigation.
In 2016, members of National Action partnered with The National Review of Poland for a whites-only homeless outreach campaign in Glasgow and Yorkshire. Both groups are outright fascist in nature, with the former having embarked on publicity stunts to assert the moral superiority of Hitler. Notably, a member of National Action explicitly identified Golden Dawn's outreach and aid efforts as instrumental in their rise to power. That same member called for the replication of such efforts in the UK. Three years later, members of Generation Identity went out on Glasgow's streets to feed exclusively white unhoused residents. The group's sleek choice of fonts and the public-service yellow of their jackets confers an aura of modern public service. The branding and aesthetic of Generation Identity may be more skillfully crafted than National Action, but the whites-only stipulation reveals them for what they are. Whether Generation Identity will more effectively mainstream fascism remains to be seen, but the mimicry of Grecian efforts and international collaboration are gravely concerning.
Where the state has failed in Europe, fascist movements have taken the opportunity to bolster recruitment and sanitize their image. CasaPound's housing did not appear to have exclusionary rules, but the group has nonetheless embraced an anti-immigration stance and the overtly racist, unscientific conspiracy theory known as the great replacement. It must be reiterated that their ideological and policy lineage runs straight back to Mussolini. CasaPound embraces the dictator and his policies, and the anti-immigrant stance of the contemporary fascists implies, perhaps, a desire to outcompete other nations by way of bolstering birth rates through public housing and other redistributive measures. Golden Dawn's endorsement of anti-immigrant violence is echoed in their requiring proof of Greek identification in order to take part in their aid programs. National Action and Generation Identity attempt to mainstream their racism by saying it while adopting convenient aesthetics, rather than the circumspect route of achieving racist ends through bad-faith arguments about immigration. Overt normalization of racism by the means of a supposedly respectable body or image can be seen elsewhere--many racist demagogues instruct their followers to meet accusations of racism with a question: why would that be a bad thing?
On Eco's view, these behaviors track with several of his Ur-Fascist traits. First, the rejection of modernity and the fear of difference: immigration is falsely and ahistorically portrayed as a modern problem, and the immigrant becomes the difference to be feared. To the fascist, the immigrant is an aberation of modern life and their physical and cultural identifiers become tokens of deviation from the fascist ideal. Then, financial hardship feeds individual and social frustrations that emanate from larger socioeconomic problems. Acute, salient evidence of financial hardship fuel biased interpretations of their causes. Such individual and social frustrations feed and are fed by these interpretations. The grand conspiratorial plot common to contemporary fascist movements often relies on some international Jewish cabal that uses immigration to weaken some idealized, non-existent race. There is always an enemy that is both strong and weak—the globalists and/or Jewish people must weaken the master race to level the playing field and are somehow strong enough to orchestrate white genocide. The unhoused who do not belong to the master race are both weak and not, a violent threat and a passive vacuum for aid which ought to go to the fascists' protected class. Homelessness and those suffering under it become a lever by which the fascist may shift public perception of their group, evidence of the persecution of the idealized people, and evidence of the wickedness of the enemy—an enemy who may be no different from the idealized people aside from skin color.
Contemporary United States
In an effort to raise awareness of immigration issues by feeding homeless veterans, Recall Newsom activists distributed pizza and bottled water opposite the convention center in San Diego, California. The group in question has not advertised any aid efforts of this nature since this outing in April. At that time, unhoused residents were being transitioned out of the convention center. As the draw-down was under way, the city reached an agreement with ICE to house unaccompanied migrant children. The prolonged and worsening living conditions of our unhoused neighbors were not sufficient to mobilize the Recall Newsom activists. The activists needed the component of identity, where the identity of the different can at least appear to compete with the identity of the fascists' ideal. The American fascist appears less concerned with the failures of the social safety net where they do not explicitly impact protected or lionized groups. Other aid efforts in southern California appear to lean towards supporting a community of conservative-owned small businesses and charities that ostensibly combat child trafficking. The outgrowth from Q based theories regarding child exploitation is obvious, as is the typical fixation on sexuality and purity that accompanies racialized issues. To put it another way, southern California has seen a shift in fear from the DC based trafficking cabal to one involving Mexican cartels. This shift imperils the racial and sexual purity of the defenseless in the eyes of the right. Proximity to the border makes such a change easy, and children have been a political cudgel in the resistance to progressive movements since at least the women's suffrage movement. While outreach efforts by fascist groups in the United States have been scant and ineffective, the state has effectively lead the charge in the criminalization of homelessness.
The most high profile instance of the criminalization of homelessness is that of the Los Angeles County Sheriff's Department. The city council approved measures to restrict locational decisions within a given proximity to a number of types of infrastructure on July 1st. Just one day earlier, Sheriff Villanueva held his weekly Instagram live. Per Cerise Castle's live-tweet thread, "@LACoSheriff says the mayor needs to 'unhandcuff the LAPD'. He says Garcetti is 'very privileged' and that he doesn't understand the hard working people in Venice who do not understand 'wokeness.'" One week prior, on the 23rd, Villanueva held a press conference on the matter of Venice Beach and its homeless population. He claimed that most of the unhoused in California come from outside the state, aired news clips where people referred to the unhoused at Venice Beach as zombies, and argued that allowing 5013c nonprofits to feed unhoused residents encourages homelessness. In a revealing moment, Villanueva argued that "the more you feed the unhoused, the more come. [Nonprofits] enable that by throwing them food medicine all day long." Given that the Sheriff made this argument after some weeks of supposed outreach by his department in the area, I am inclined to say that this sentiment is born of malignity rather than ignorance. When the city began to clear out Venice Beach through the use of Park Rangers, city sanitation workers, and the LAPD, the clean-up and storage offered to the unhoused residents revealed further enmity for those society has failed. Personal possessions that were not moved by unhoused residents were taken to The Bin, a safe storage facility in downtown LA. It's roughly a thirty minute drive from Venice Beach, or a five hour walk. While personal possessions are to be impounded there for ninety days, if one does not have a place to permanently store one's possessions on retrieval, then it is a mere shell game with urban hiking built in. The Bin's proximity to Skid Row is hard to ignore given this context.
The End of Policing contains an enlightening chapter on how policing involved itself in homelessness. Of note is the trend toward greater criminalization of homelessness in the United States. Vitale quotes from The National Law Center on Homelessness and Poverty:
Their survey of 187 cities showed that 33 percent have citywide bans on camping in public, 57 percent ban camping in specific locations, 18 percent have total bans on sleeping in public, and 27 percent prohibit sleeping in specific locations. One-quarter have citywide begging restrictions, 33 percent have citywide loitering bans, 53 percent prohibit sitting or lying down in designated zones, 43 percent prohibit sleeping in cars, and 9 percent have laws prohibiting sharing free food. The number of these laws is increasing. From 2011 to 2014 bans on camping have increased 60 percent, targeted sleeping bans 34 percent, citywide begging prohibitions 25 percent, loitering and vagrancy laws 35 percent, sitting and lying laws 43 percent, and vehicle sleeping bans 119 percent. This is a resurgent problem across the country.
The United States is on track to make the world consistent with the hegemonic view of the government's role in society. As noted by Hannah Arendt, fascist movements do not merely lie, but force reality to conform to the propaganda. Where Jewish people were not yet seen through the demonizing lens of Nazi propaganda, they were expelled penniless so as to convince Germany's neighbors of the legitimacy of the Nazi perspective. The mechanism by which unhoused residents are repeatedly criminalized, harassed by law enforcement, and jailed reinforces and creates the myth that unhoused residents are criminal and deserving of such treatment. That Nazi germany's eugenicist aspirations involved the unhoused in its earliest stages ought to give us pause. Further, Vitale notes that the neoconservative view of government has gained ground since the 1980s, wherein the punitive carceral and policing powers are the only response to growing inequality and systemic failures. Inequality, then, is attributed to the individual, and punishment is the sole medicine offered by a system that invites policing into its most foundational elements. Greater polarization of wages and wealth will exacerbate this problem.
The California recall places a national spotlight on the state's failures in serving its unhoused population. John Cox, Kevin Faulconer, and Caitlyn Jenner have been compelled to comment on the situation. Their inchoate thoughts and off-the-cuff proposals may seem novel to the layperson, but what problems are present in these reactionary solutions have been present in failures of the past. John Cox has advocated for drug and alcohol treatment as a condition of shelter, and that it ought to be completed prior to or in tandem with housing solutions. Cities across California already offer services which do not take the needs and wants of the unhoused into account, and further involving medical personnel and social workers only hides the compulsory and carceral nature of Cox's plan. By centering problems which may be a consequence of the deprevation weathered by unhoused residents, Cox ascribes to character that which may be a consequence of the harsh realities of living while unsheltered. The popular rhetoric surrounding homelessness places this in a dangerous context—it is not inconceivable that Cox's model could lead to indefinite internment. Should anti-homeless voters convince their elected officials that the unhoused are not merely addicted above or before their homelessness, but that they are in some way fundamentally unfit or damaged above or before even these conditions, then the state can be coerced into carceral solutions. To approach this concern from another angle, Cox's own words from a July 1st press conference are a sufficient portent of fascism: "Britney Spears doesn't need a conservator. 1000s of Californians living on the streets are the ones that need conservatorships. And we have to force people to do it if need be." Faulconer's drive to offer services and penalize refusal amounts to the needless criminalization of sensible objections to the services' shortcomings. The contradiction in citing the unhoused, who already subsist on meager incomes, should be obvious. To fine the unhoused, formally through ticketing or informally through the cost of navigating the courts, is plainly regressive. Further, Faulconer's own history is one of a greater emphasis on policing and sweeps of encampments in San Diego. His response to the hepatitis outbreak—at least partly caused by his own ineptitude—was to increase arrests and citations, and place unhoused residents into bridge shelters that often failed to "bridge" them to permanent housing. What appears incoherent is cohesive and efficient when one recognizes the goal is to police or hide the unhoused, rather than to get them into housing. Temporary shelter seemed to be a fortunate byproduct of this need. Lastly, Caitlyn Jenner has informally proposed the relocation of the unhoused from encampments to open fields. The consolidation of the homeless population in a remote living facility seems a strange echo of the imprisonment at Farmsen. Open fields of tents, or blacktops full of tents as seen in Los Angeles and Maricopa County, are not solutions. Rather, they are palatable restrictions of the freedom of the unhoused in place of permanent housing solutions—as the aim is aesthetic in nature, rather than humanitarian.
The American fascist can not tolerate the unhoused person unless they are a member of the fascist's idealized class. In this case, veteran status is likely a proxy for whiteness or proximity to it. It is also likely that veteran status is a fixation for the fascist in this context due to the conception of the American mythic past. Where veterans are lionized, homeless veterans are an indictment of modernity, and tradition is defended by uplifting the homeless veteran. This does not mean that veterans ought to be homeless—no one should be homeless, especially not in a country with so much wealth. Further, one who participates in the mythic past is good by default, and so the disparity of their nature and their state in life must be reconciled through the invention of a villain. That veteran status is not visually confirmable likely hampers outreach efforts in the United States when compared to the exclusionary rules of european fascists. Whiteness or Greek citizenship is much easier to assess than veteran status, especially when so many of our unhoused have had their identifying documents discarded or destroyed by law enforcement. The various inadequate measures proposed by our elected officials and candidates bear tremendous human costs, and may further stoke anti-homeless sentiment. In other words, the United States is vulnerable to the invention of a fascist narrative as the number of people experiencing homelessness increases.
Homelessness At The Intersection of Societal and Cultural Failures
The continual invention of the United States' culture and history requires that the most damning indictments of the nation today are erased from its past. When questioned on the cleanliness of American cities in 2016, Donald Trump took the opportunity to both decry homelessness as a product of democrat leadership and argue that homeslessness as a phenomenon began only two years prior. Prosperity is a part of the American myth because the protestant work ethic and personal responsibility embodied by the ideal American citizen are foundational elements of said myth. One who does not or can not work is therefore broken, unamerican, or both. Villanueva and Cox's comments implicitly upend the relationship between the unhoused and society. Society has not failed the unhoused so much as the unhoused have failed to wrest prosperity from a pliant society. Society is not at fault, the unhoused person is at fault. Society must not be changed to accommodate those it has left behind, the unhoused must compete in the ostensible meritocracy and society must not nurture weakness—lest it drag and stagnate. Runaway militarization of police, polarizing wealth and wages, and a culture that's increasingly receptive to punitive measures places the unhoused community at great risk. That these developments are pre-fascist should compel us to action.
I am reminded of an encampment sweep I photographed in National City. I was somewhat out of sight and staring off into middle distance. An officer argued with an unhoused resident of the camp. He said, "there's plenty of work. Look around, there's posters everywhere." I looked at the elderly man in the chair, the children's toys scattered about, and the numerous officers idly observing the sweep. Officers lined the hill opposite the encampment, standing and watching while the unhoused residents panicked and rushed to load their belongings into whatever containers they could find. The ideological rot of our institutions, the mixed electoral success of anti-homeless politicians, and the apathy of society at large present a clear danger to our unhoused neighbors.
I intend to investigate this topic further. If you have any tips, please reach out. You can email me via the contact page on my website. I’ll present the sources I used below— but know that they’re unsorted for now.
https://www.jstor.org/stable/29768172
https://www.dailyrecord.co.uk/news/scottish-news/hipster-fascists-feed-only-white-17793094
https://www.nybooks.com/daily/2020/06/22/american-fascism-it-has-happened-here/
https://www.theguardian.com/news/2018/feb/22/casapound-italy-mussolini-fascism-mainstream
http://peoplestribune.org/pt-news/2017/01/isolating-homeless-step-imposing-fascism-us/
https://www.vice.com/en/article/xdm3xd/neo-nazis-homeless-outreach-race-hate
https://truecolorsunited.org/2021/01/14/true-colors-united-against-fascism/
https://culanth.org/fieldsights/series/american-fascism
http://bostonreview.net/race-politics/alberto-toscano-long-shadow-racial-fascism
vagrants and beggars in hitler's reich wolfgang ayass
social outsiders in nazi germany
https://sites.google.com/fightglobalism.com/maga-gives-back/home
https://www.nytimes.com/2019/10/21/us/california-homeless-backlash.html
https://theappeal.org/anchorages-anti-homeless-movement-may-elect-the-citys-next-mayor/
https://www.voiceofsandiego.org/topics/government/faulconer-hopes-his-action-on-homelessness-will-overshadow-his-failure/https://www.nytimes.com/2020/07/03/business/economy/europe-us-jobless-coronavirus.html
https://nypost.com/2020/08/17/homeless-man-smashes-bottle-over-his-head-in-nyc-deli/
https://abc7.com/lapd-crime-stats-data/5849457/
https://www.latimes.com/opinion/op-ed/la-oe-shortt-homeless-victims-20181015-story.html
https://theintercept.com/2018/02/04/california-wildfires-homeless-climate-change/
https://theappeal.org/los-angeles-criminalization-of-homelessness-street-cleanings-sweeps/
https://theappeal.org/boston-police-clean-sweep-arrests/
https://www.nytimes.com/2018/09/05/us/-homeless-sleeping-on-street-ruling.html
https://theintercept.com/2020/05/01/coronavirus-new-york-city-homeless-fema/
https://theappeal.org/anchorages-anti-homeless-movement-may-elect-the-citys-next-mayor/
https://www.kusi.com/local-politicians-put-new-focus-on-homeless-outreach/
https://www.kusi.com/city-county-of-san-diego-collaborate-on-new-homelessness-strategy/
https://www.kusi.com/john-cox-announces-plan-to-combat-homelessness-in-california/
https://www.theguardian.com/world/2020/oct/14/greece-golden-dawn-neo-nazi-prison-sentences